The Politics of Language in Jammu & Kashmir’s Bureaucracy
By: Javid Amin | Srinagar | 04 July 2025
In a politically sensitive state like Jammu & Kashmir, where language is tied deeply to identity, culture, and history, even a bureaucratic job advertisement can ignite controversy. That’s exactly what happened on July 2, 2025, when a delegation of 14 BJP MLAs met with Chief Minister Omar Abdullah in Srinagar to challenge what they called an “exclusionary and discriminatory policy”: making Urdu a mandatory qualification for Naib Tehsildar posts.
The BJP MLAs, largely representing the Jammu region, warned that such a requirement would disqualify thousands of eligible candidates who have never studied Urdu, particularly those from Dogri and Hindi-speaking backgrounds. Their concerns were not just political—they were constitutional, cultural, and economic.
This issue reveals the linguistic fault lines that still run deep in Jammu & Kashmir’s post-Article 370 governance landscape. It also highlights broader questions of equity, inclusivity, and regional representation in a multi-lingual state struggling to redefine its administrative identity.
What Triggered the Controversy?
01. The Job Notification at the Center of the Storm
In late June 2025, the Jammu & Kashmir Services Selection Board (JKSSB) issued a job advertisement for Naib Tehsildar positions, a vital revenue post responsible for land administration, dispute resolution, and public grievance redressal.
The advertisement included a new eligibility criterion: proficiency in Urdu—both written and oral—was mandatory.
While Urdu has historically been the official language of administration in J&K, the 2020 Jammu and Kashmir Official Languages Act recognized five official languages: Urdu, Hindi, English, Dogri, and Kashmiri.
This change, therefore, clashed with the multilingual recognition enshrined in law and immediately sparked criticism, especially from the non-Urdu-speaking Jammu division.
02. Why Urdu Was Made Compulsory (Govt’s Initial Justification)
According to sources in the J&K Revenue Department:
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Official records, particularly land revenue documents and legal notices, are still predominantly maintained in Urdu.
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Field-level revenue officers, like Naib Tehsildars, must be able to read and interpret these documents.
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Therefore, Urdu proficiency was deemed a functional necessity.
While technically valid, this logic ignored a critical shift in language policy post-2020—and alienated a large population whose medium of education has never included Urdu.
What the BJP MLAs Said—A Voice for Jammu’s Aspirants
01. The Delegation Speaks
On July 2, a delegation of 14 BJP MLAs, led by senior leaders from the Jammu region, met with CM Omar Abdullah to formally register their protest. Their concerns were sharp and specific:
“This policy is not inclusive. It systematically sidelines a generation of talented youth from Jammu who were never taught Urdu in schools. You are punishing them for a historical language preference they had no control over,” one MLA reportedly told the CM.
02. Key Objections Raised
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The policy discriminates against non-Urdu-speaking regions, especially Jammu, Kathua, Samba, and Udhampur.
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It violates the spirit of the J&K Official Languages Act, 2020, which was passed to promote linguistic inclusiveness.
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It creates a de facto reservation for Urdu speakers, without constitutional backing.
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It undermines meritocracy, replacing skill with linguistic gatekeeping.
What Did the BJP MLAs Demand?
The BJP delegation placed four core demands before the Chief Minister:
01. Withdrawal of the Urdu Mandate
They urged the immediate removal of Urdu as a compulsory qualification, replacing it with a desirable skill or post-selection training module.
02. Fresh Notification Based on 2011 Precedent
In 2011, similar Naib Tehsildar posts were advertised without an Urdu mandate, and successful candidates were later trained on the job. BJP asked the CM to replicate this inclusive model.
03. Justice for Displaced Shopkeepers
The delegation also raised a humanitarian concern—the rehabilitation of displaced shopkeepers from Nai Basti, who lost their livelihoods to ongoing infrastructure expansion projects.
04. Release of the Sports Quota List
The long-pending sports quota selection list, which could offer jobs to dozens of meritorious athletes from Jammu & Kashmir, was also discussed. BJP asked for its immediate publication and implementation.
CM Omar Abdullah’s Response—Conciliatory but Vague?
Positive but Non-Committal
According to multiple attendees, the Chief Minister responded “positively and affirmatively”, assuring the delegation that he would:
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Revisit the notification in consultation with the Revenue and Law Departments.
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Examine the legal feasibility of modifying the eligibility criteria.
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Explore ways to introduce post-selection Urdu training as a solution.
However, no written commitment or timeline was shared, leaving many to speculate whether this was a political placation or a genuine policy reconsideration.
“We welcome the CM’s words. But we will wait for action, not just intent,” said one of the BJP MLAs post-meeting.
The Broader Picture—Language, Identity, and Access to Power
Why This Is Not Just About One Job Post
The Urdu mandate issue touches on deeper and older tensions:
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Urdu’s legacy as the sole official language under Dogra and later state rule had long marginalized native speakers of Dogri, Kashmiri, Pahari, and Gojri.
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The Official Languages Act of 2020, passed post-Article 370 abrogation, was seen as a historic correction, giving legal and symbolic space to other languages.
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Re-imposing Urdu in job eligibility threatens to undo the progress toward linguistic equity.
“This isn’t about opposing Urdu. It’s about acknowledging all official languages equally—especially in matters as crucial as employment,” noted Prof. A.K. Sharma, a constitutional expert from Jammu University.
Dogri and Hindi Speakers—The Forgotten Demographic?
The Dogri-speaking belt, largely concentrated in Jammu, Samba, Kathua, and parts of Reasi, has historically lagged in representation due to Urdu-centric systems.
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Making Urdu mandatory in 2025 effectively disenfranchises lakhs of educated Dogri youth.
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Hindi, despite being the national language and co-official in J&K, is rarely used in administrative exams.
This linguistic imbalance is now fueling regional tensions, especially with the National Conference back in power—a party long seen as Urdu-dominant and Valley-centric.
What’s At Stake—A Fair System or A Divided State?
01. For Aspirants
Thousands of job seekers across Jammu, who had studied in Hindi or English medium schools, now face disqualification due to a language they were never offered in curriculum.
“I studied law. I passed the civil services pre-test. Now I’m told I can’t be a Tehsildar because I didn’t study Urdu? That’s unjust,” says Richa Sharma, a 26-year-old from Udhampur.
02. For Governance
Policies like these:
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Erode public trust in the fairness of recruitment.
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Fuel regional alienation, especially in border areas and minority zones.
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Undermine the government’s commitment to inclusive development post-Article 370.
03. For Political Stability
If not addressed promptly:
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The issue could become a flashpoint for regional protests.
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It may polarize elections on linguistic lines in upcoming District Development Council (DDC) and Assembly elections.
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It could reopen Valley-Jammu mistrust at a time when restoration of peace and growth is paramount.
Voices from the Ground—What Citizens Think
“I Feel Punished for Studying in Hindi”
“How can I be disqualified for not learning Urdu when the Constitution allows me to use Hindi or Dogri?” — Anil Thakur, teaching aspirant, Samba.
“This Is Language-Based Apartheid”
“The government is weaponizing language to keep certain groups out. We won’t allow that anymore.” — Rekha Koul, activist, Kathua.
“Teach Urdu After Recruitment—Not Before”
“It’s a useful skill. But make it part of training, not an eligibility test.” — Tariq Mir, retired Tehsildar.
Bottom-Line: Towards Inclusive Language Policy in Post-370 Jammu & Kashmir
The controversy over the Urdu mandate in Naib Tehsildar recruitment isn’t merely about language. It’s about access, identity, equality, and the future of public service in a region still healing from decades of conflict and mistrust.
To truly honor the spirit of the 2020 Official Languages Act, the J&K government must:
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Ensure no language becomes a tool of exclusion.
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Make language skills trainable—not disqualifying.
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Uphold equal opportunity for all regions and backgrounds.
What is needed now is decisive policy action, not just political reassurance. Because jobs should be about merit, not mother tongue—especially in a Union Territory striving for justice, development, and unity.
